MIKE POMPEO: Trump can win it all in Venezuela and stop a Maduro-like sequel

The capture of Venezuelan tyrant and narco-terrorist Nicolas Maduro is a triumph for the United States, and one for which President Donald Trump, Secretary of State Marco Rubio and the great warriors who executed last Saturday’s mission deserve every plaudit. Thanks to this administration, we could be looking at a future in which Venezuelan drugs are off American streets, migrants return home to build a better future in a free and prosperous Venezuela, and Maduro’s authoritarian allies in Beijing, Tehran and Moscow no longer have a beachhead from which to wreak havoc throughout the Americas.  

But that immense achievement could evaporate if we don’t get the next part right.  

According to reports, the administration is demanding that interim President Delcy Rodriguez commit to cracking down on drug trafficking; kicking out foreign operatives hostile to the United States; ending the sale of oil to U.S. adversaries; and, eventually, facilitating free elections.  

These are absolutely the correct priorities. But we should be under no illusion: none of the first three demands will be met if we do not loudly and publicly prioritize the restoration of Venezuelan democracy.

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Government supporters rip an American flag in half during a protest in Caracas, Venezuela, Saturday, Jan. 3, 2026, after President Donald Trump announced that U.S. forces had captured President Nicolás Maduro and first lady Cilia Flores. (Ariana Cubillos/AP Photo)

As secretary of State in the first Trump administration, I dealt with Rodriguez and her cohort firsthand, and can personally attest to their hardline socialist, anti-American credentials.  

There is zero reason to believe that Rodriguez and her cronies will do anything more than attempt to buy time while securing their positions as part of a reconstituted, Maduro-in-all-but-name government. These people are ideologically and financially committed to the horrible governing model that has destroyed their once wealthy country and will do everything in their power to keep the status quo in place.  

Such an outcome would completely defeat the purpose of America’s audacious intervention – and in the long term, would undermine President Donald Trump’s goal of reasserting American dominance of the Western Hemisphere.

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Let’s be clear: Rodriguez has no legal authority to occupy the office she currently holds, and only became "vice president" thanks to two stolen elections and rule by corruption and fear. Venezuela does in fact have a legitimate constitutional alternative ready to govern. Despite every possible obstacle put in their path, the Venezuelan people have voted in successive elections for the democratic opposition candidate: first Juan Guaidó in 2019, then Edmundo Gonzalez, who stood in for opposition leader Maria Corina Machado after she was disqualified from running in 2024.  

Gonzalez won 70% of the vote; had Machado been allowed to run, the margin would likely have been even greater. That would be a stunning mandate in a functioning democracy – in an authoritarian system where the state uses all available levers to suppress the opposition, it is truly remarkable.  

In both elections, the rightful presidents were prevented from taking power by the Maduro government. But the opposition did not retreat; it focused on ensuring that when the moment of freedom came, they would be ready to lead. Their goals for Venezuela match our own: an end to state-backed narco-trafficking; the restoration of private property and a productive, free market economy; and the defenestration of Cuba, Iran, China and Russia from their country.  

In keeping with the approach, we took during my time at the State Department – when we made the bold decision to recognize Guaidó as the rightful president of Venezuela – the current administration should recognize Gonzalez as interim president as a first step in the country’s democratic transition.

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Given the irregular circumstances in which the 2024 elections took place, it would make the most sense to hold new, special elections at some point in the future. But the legitimacy of Gonzalez and Machado cannot be in doubt; they must have a leading role in the country’s transition, and America should make that abundantly clear.  

There is zero reason to believe that Rodriguez and her cronies will do anything more than attempt to buy time while securing their positions as part of a reconstituted, Maduro-in-all-but-name government.

The very same pressure – oil sanctions enforcement, interdictions, air space controls – can be used to force the Venezuelan military, the true infrastructure glue for Chavista rule, to change its ways. And, if Interior Minister Diosdado Cabello and Defense Minister Vladimir Padrino won’t grant President Gonzalez effective control over the armed forces, the United States can do the necessary to support the choice made by the people of Venezuela.

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This isn’t regime change – it’s recovering Venezuela’s existing constitutional order, which was trampled upon by the illegitimate Maduro regime but is in fact the country’s true legal governing authority. And from a position of pure self-interest, it’s the only way to ensure that the most pro-American, pro-free market voices take power in Venezuela, and prevent our adversaries from regaining their foothold in our hemisphere.  

None of this will be easy. But if the administration wants to maximize the gains of the past week, committing to a roadmap that empowers Venezuela’s legitimate democratic opposition is the only way forward.  

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